Olan
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Post by Olan on Nov 2, 2020 18:14:15 GMT
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Nov 3, 2020 12:49:43 GMT
edition.cnn.com/2020/11/01/us/voter-suppression-jim-crow-blake/?iid=ob_article_footer_expansion&fbclid=IwAR2OiI0GpLyTu5wsenvmWPdEVePu5sF6yqSSdsybGhIT7bZFWCwJ_dF4ydAOn the first and third Monday of each month, Theresa Burroughs traveled to Alabama's Hale County courthouse to register to vote. On each trip, she was met by a group of White men playing dominoes. One of those men oversaw voter registration in the county. He'd point to a jar of jelly beans on a nearby table and ask Burroughs, "How many black jelly beans are in a jar? How many red ones in there?" It was the late 1940s, and Burroughs was a Black woman who knew she wasn't welcome at a voting booth in the Jim Crow South. But she was so determined to vote that she kept going to the courthouse every month for two years until she wore the voter registrar down. When he finally handed her a voter registration card, he didn't bother to hide his disgust. "It was a joy," Burroughs said, recounting her first vote during a 2015 interview with a nonprofit group that collects oral histories. "But the thing about it is, I didn't feel it should have been this hard. I knew it shouldn't have been this hard." More than 70 years later, it still is hard for many Black people to vote in America -- and the proof can be seen in how this year's presidential election has unfolded, voting rights advocates and historians say.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Dec 7, 2020 14:36:38 GMT
calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/dec/07On December 7, 1874, white mobs attacked and killed dozens of Black citizens of Vicksburg, Mississippi, who had organized a political meeting in support of a duly elected Black sheriff, who had been improperly removed from office. During the Reconstruction era that followed Emancipation and the Civil War, Black Mississippians made progress toward political equality. Despite the passage of Black codes designed to oppress and disenfranchise Black people in the South, under the protection of federal troops in place to enforce the newly established civil rights of Black people, many Black men voted and served in political office on federal, state, and local levels. In the 1870s, Peter Crosby, a formerly enslaved Black man, was elected sheriff in Vicksburg, Mississippi – but shortly after taking office, Sheriff Crosby was indicted on false criminal charges and a violent white mob removed him from his position. On December 7, 1874, Black citizens in Vicksburg organized an effort to try to help Mr. Crosby regain his office. In response, white mobs attacked and killed dozens of Black citizens in an act of racial terrorism, which would later become known as the “Vicksburg Massacre.” Following this brutal attack, federal troops were sent to Vicksburg and Mr. Crosby was appointed as sheriff again. However, in early 1875, a white man named J.P. Gilmer was hired to serve as Sheriff Crosby's deputy. After Sheriff Crosby tried to have Mr. Gilmer removed from office, Mr. Gilmer shot Sheriff Crosby in the head on June 7, 1875. Mr. Gilmer was arrested for the attempted assassination but never brought to trial. Mr. Crosby survived the shooting but never made a full recovery, and had to serve the remainder of his term through a representative white citizen. The violence and intimidation tactics utilized by white Mississippians intent on restoring white supremacy soon enabled forces antagonistic to the aims of Reconstruction and racial equality to regain power in Mississippi.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Jan 5, 2021 14:21:19 GMT
calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/jan/05On January 5, 1923, a mob of over 200 white men attacked the Black community in Rosewood, Florida, killing over 30 Black women, men, and children, burning the town to the ground, and forcing all survivors to permanently flee Rosewood. On January 1, 1923, in Sumner, Florida, a young, married white woman named Fannie Taylor claimed she had been assaulted by Jesse Hunter, a Black fugitive from a prison chain gang. Though there was no evidence against Mr. Hunter, local white men launched a manhunt in Rosewood, a nearby town of about 200 Black people. On January 2nd, a mob of white men kidnapped, tortured, and lynched Sam Carter, a Black craftsman from Rosewood, on suspicion that he had helped Jesse Hunter escape. White men continued to terrorize Rosewood searching for Mr. Hunter and Black residents armed themselves in defense. Late on the night of January 4th, a white posse fired into the home of Black Rosewood resident Sylvester Carrier (whom they suspected of harboring Mr. Hunter) and killed an elderly woman. A gunfight between Carrier and the mob lasted into the early morning, killing people on both sides. Outraged that Black residents had fought back, the posse left the scene to regroup and returned with more men. On January 5th, a mob of between two and three hundred white men attacked Rosewood, killing an estimated thirty to forty Black men, women, and children on sight and burning the town to the ground. Black residents hid in the woods and fled by train to Gainesville, Florida, never to return. Survivors later recounted that Fannie Taylor had made false accusations against Jesse Hunter to conceal her extramarital affair with a white man.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Jan 11, 2021 14:36:29 GMT
You mark it politics and I always change it back. Kinda futile no?
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Jan 23, 2021 19:26:03 GMT
In the pre-dawn hours of January 23, 1957, a Black man named Willie Edwards, Jr. was declared missing when the truck he was employed to drive was found abandoned along the road near Montgomery, Alabama. It was later discovered that four white men had forced Mr. Edwards, a resident of Montgomery, to jump to his death from the nearby Tyler Goodwin Bridge. Mr. Edwards was driving back from his first assignment as a deliveryman for a Winn-Dixie grocery store when he stopped for a soft drink. As he read his log book under the console light in his truck, the four armed white men approached the vehicle, forced Mr. Edwards to exit the truck at gunpoint, and ordered him to get into their car. Accusing Mr. Edwards of “offending a white woman,” the men proceeded to shove and slap him as they drove. One man pointed his gun at Mr. Edwards and threatened to castrate him. Sobbing and begging the men not to harm him, Mr. Edwards repeatedly denied having said anything to any white woman. Eventually the men reached the bridge and ordered Mr. Edwards out of the car. Ordered to “hit the water” or be shot, Mr. Edwards climbed the railing of the bridge and fell 125 feet to his death. Mr. Edwards’s truck was soon found in the store parking lot, with the console light still on, but authorities had no answers about what had happened to him. Mr. Edwards’s wife Sarah, just 23 years old and pregnant, was left to raise their two young daughters. She initially hoped her husband had taken an unannounced trip to California, but those hopes were dashed in April 1957 when two fishermen discovered his decomposed body. Nearly twenty years later, in 1976, Attorney General Bill Baxley prosecuted three known Klansmen for Mr. Edwards’s murder, after a fourth man confessed in exchange for immunity. Those indictments were later quashed and the FBI ultimately informed the AG that one of the men charged, Henry Alexander, was a federal informant. Mr. Alexander had been indicted for other acts of racial violence, including bombings of four churches and two homes, and the assault of a Black woman riding on a bus. Mr. Alexander was never prosecuted for any of those offenses, and the charges for Mr. Edwards's murder were dropped. In 1993, Mr. Alexander reportedly confessed to his wife on his deathbed that he and three other white men had indeed murdered Mr. Edwards. Alexander's wife later reported he told her, “That man never hurt anybody. I was just running my mouth. I caused it.” In 1997, the Alabama Department of Vital Statistics changed Mr. Edwards’s cause of death from “unknown” to “homicide,” but a 1999 Montgomery County grand jury declined to indict any of the surviving suspects for the murder of Willie Edwards Jr. calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/jan/23?fbclid=IwAR2CqwaBe7yuPd99hTRc3bgXCSS2kaZDNSrKJPvn2i_ka4Re0cv6nQ6cAu8
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Jan 28, 2021 3:05:59 GMT
On January 27, 1967, Jefferson County sheriff deputies went to the home of Robert Lacey, a Black father of six, to enforce a law requiring him to take the family dog to the veterinarian. The police engaged in a confrontation with Mr. Lacey and shot him to death. The Laceys' dog had allegedly bit a neighborhood child recently and the health department had instructed the family to take the dog in for a rabies test–however, the family did not own a car and had no means of transporting the animal. When deputies knocked at the door, Mr. Lacey answered after getting out of the shower, and the officers ordered him to get dressed and come with them. Mr. Lacey asked why, and asked the officers to just take the dog, but the officers refused. As Mr. Lacey complied with the order to get dressed, a gun he kept in his drawer fell to the floor, and the officers quickly pinned him to the wall and began to handcuff him. Mr. Lacey offered to come to the police car of his own free will, to which one of the officers reportedly replied, “Boy, you gonna leave here with handcuffs on, dead or alive.” Mr. Lacey was a large man; as the deputies attempted to wrestle him down, one of them fell to the ground, and the other then shot Mr. Lacey in the leg. The deputies later claimed Mr. Lacey lunged at them before the second shot, but Mr. Lacey’s family insisted Mr. Lacey fell to the ground before the deputy shot him again, “between the eyes.” Neighbors who ran to the house after the shooting were instructed by police to move the body before the coroner arrived. Mr. Lacey was the second Black man killed by Jefferson County law enforcement within nine days, and would be one of ten total law enforcement killings of Black men in the Birmingham, Alabama, area within a 14 month period spanning from 1966 to 1967. calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/jan/27?fbclid=IwAR1byQRvdPK_7kWVOmZLZY-Bxh4RlmYQ3fZCsU--1n7GE5wQNMyIz5TfLy0
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Feb 4, 2021 14:23:04 GMT
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Post by peano on Feb 4, 2021 18:17:41 GMT
I’m finding this article to be a paywall.
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Post by elaine on Feb 4, 2021 22:31:58 GMT
I’m finding this article to be a paywall.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Feb 7, 2021 22:25:26 GMT
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tincin
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Post by tincin on Feb 8, 2021 4:27:07 GMT
You’re right, that was brutal just to read. Thank you for sharing these.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Feb 8, 2021 13:23:46 GMT
You’re right, that was brutal just to read. Thank you for sharing these. No problem. Have a good week!
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Post by jeremysgirl on Feb 8, 2021 13:31:14 GMT
I will never be able to get that out of my head. It is amazing to me how people can treat another human being. No one spoke up and said that was wrong.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Feb 10, 2021 13:47:14 GMT
I will never be able to get that out of my head. It is amazing to me how people can treat another human being. No one spoke up and said that was wrong. I don’t think anyone thought it was wrong. Today’s is gruesome but less graphic. And these are the stories we know. On February 10, 1908, a Black man named Eli Pigot was lynched by a mob of more than 2,000 white people in Brookhaven, Mississippi. Mr. Pigot was accused of assaulting a white woman and was brutally killed before he could be tried in a court of law. During this era, allegations against Black people were rarely subject to scrutiny and often sparked violent reprisals before the judicial system could or would act. The commonalities.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Feb 15, 2021 16:06:29 GMT
calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/feb/14Yesterday’s EJI calendar reads: Despite this information and widespread, national support for Mrs. Taylor’s cause, on February 14, 1945, an all-white, all-male grand jury failed to return an indictment against any of the men accused of raping Mrs. Taylor. The men were never prosecuted. In the months after Mrs. Taylor’s attack, she received constant death threats and her home was firebombed by white supremacists. The Recy Taylor case, though rarely cited, is credited as being a catalyst for the modern Civil Rights Movement. In 2011, the Alabama Legislature apologized to Mrs. Taylor for the state’s failure to prosecute her attackers. I pondered why Mrs Taylor’s story wasn’t shared as widely as Rosa Parks, did some research, and of course misogyny is the answer.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Feb 15, 2021 16:10:19 GMT
calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/feb/15New Jersey passed a law providing for the "gradual emancipation of slaves" on February 15, 1804, and in doing so became the last Northern state to begin the process of ending enslavement within its borders. Using the language of bondage, the 1804 act provided that children of enslaved people born after July 4, 1804, would be freed when they reached the age of 21 for women and the age of 15 for men. To address the protests of enslavers who claimed to be concerned that they would have to support children of enslaved people who eventually would become free, the statute authorized enslavers to break apart families and abandon children of enslaved people to the state once they were more than 12 months old. These children were then bound out to work as "apprentices"—often to the same enslaver who abandoned them—while the state paid for the maintenance of the child. The New Jersey Supreme Court held as late as 1827 that New Jersey's law continued to permit the sale of Black children as so-called "apprentices." In Ogden v. Price, the New Jersey Supreme Court upheld the sale of a 13-year-old Black girl despite language in the 1804 law providing that an apprentice was subject to assignment but not sale. Reminds me of the Black children in the foster care system Adopted out but still being supported by the government so that the new caretakers have more incentive to house “at risk” children.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Feb 22, 2021 13:27:07 GMT
Frazier Baker, a 40-year-old Black man from Lake City, South Carolina, and his infant daughter, Julia, were murdered by a lynch mob on February 22, 1898. Mr. Baker was the first African American in Lake City to be elected as U.S. postmaster for Lake City. Despite vehement opposition to his appointment from the white community, Mr. Baker held the position for six months. During that time, he was shot at twice and received many death threats.
The Bakers lived in a small building just outside Lake City. Their home was formerly a schoolhouse that had recently been converted into a residential dwelling and post office. Witnesses reported that a number of white men circled the Baker house at night, set the building on fire, and fired up to 100 bullets at the house while Mr. and Mrs. Baker and their six children were inside. Mr. Baker was shot to death while trying to escape the burning house. As Mrs. Baker fled the burning house carrying Julia, the baby was shot dead in her mother’s arms. Mrs. Baker and her other children managed to escape with their lives, but three of the children were wounded by gunshots and permanently maimed.
Mr. Frazier and Julia’s remains were burned beyond recognition—the local white newspaper insensitively reported that they had been “cremated in the flames.” The federal post office building and all of its equipment were consumed by the fire, and the citizens of Lake City were left without a post office.
Members of the Black community held a mass meeting at Pilgrim Baptist Church and drafted a public statement expressing outrage about the lynching. The murder prompted a national campaign of letter-writing, activism, and advocacy spearheaded by Ida B. Wells and others, which ultimately persuaded President McKinley to order a federal investigation that resulted in the prosecution of 11 white men implicated in the Baker lynching. Despite ample evidence, an all-white jury refused to convict any of the defendants.
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Post by jeremysgirl on Feb 22, 2021 13:48:11 GMT
investigation that resulted in the prosecution of 11 white men implicated in the Baker lynching. Despite ample evidence, an all-white jury refused to convict any of the defendants. I read these that you post every day and it always seems to end with a line like this. It just irritates the fuck out of me. They knew they were guilty and they killed a man and a baby. And nothing is done. So frustrating. Keep the stories coming, though, because we continue to need to hear them.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Feb 22, 2021 14:30:31 GMT
investigation that resulted in the prosecution of 11 white men implicated in the Baker lynching. Despite ample evidence, an all-white jury refused to convict any of the defendants. I read these that you post every day and it always seems to end with a line like this. It just irritates the fuck out of me. They knew they were guilty and they killed a man and a baby. And nothing is done. So frustrating. Keep the stories coming, though, because we continue to need to hear them. Thank you for reading them.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Mar 11, 2021 20:51:00 GMT
In early March 1965, a peaceful crowd of 600 people began a protest march from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, to show their support for Black voting rights. Police armed with batons, pepper spray, and guns attacked the marchers on Selma’s Edmund Pettus Bridge in a violent assault that came to be known as “Bloody Sunday.” After the attack, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and other organizers remained determined to complete the march. Dr. King urged clergy to come to Selma and join the march to Montgomery. Hundreds of clergy from across the country heeded the call and traveled to Selma; one of them was Reverend James Reeb, a 38-year-old white Unitarian minister from Boston. On March 9th, Dr. King led 2,500 marchers onto the Edmund Pettus Bridge for a short prayer session. That evening, three white ministers–Orloff Miller, Clark Olsen, and James Reeb–were attacked and beaten by a group of white men opposed to their civil rights work. Struck in the head with a club, Rev. Reeb suffered a severe skull fracture and brain damage. Fearing that he would not be treated at the “white only” Selma Hospital, doctors at Selma’s Black Burwell Infirmary ordered Rev. Reeb rushed to the Birmingham hospital. After a series of unfortunate events, including car trouble and confrontations with local police, Rev. Reeb reached the hospital in Birmingham in critical condition. He died on March 11, 1965, leaving behind his wife and four children. Three white men later indicted for Rev. Reeb’s murder were ultimately acquitted by an all-white jury. More widely reported than the death of local Black activist Jimmie Lee Jackson a few weeks earlier, Rev. Reeb’s death brought national attention to the voting rights struggle. The death also moved President Lyndon B. Johnson to call a special session of Congress, where he urged legislators to pass the Voting Rights Act. Congress did so, and President Johnson signed the act into law in August 1965. calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/mar/11Interesting read I found as I was looking for confirmation something is named after Rev. Reeb: www.history.com/.amp/news/james-reeb-murder-selma-solvedCrazy how the man died a day after confessing. I hope Rev. Reeb’s energy guided him straight to hell. U.U still being one of the few religious organizations with a strong social justice agenda. Walking in purpose means tackling racism but what do I know about what God told us to do 😉
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Post by ktdoesntscrap on Mar 11, 2021 23:11:11 GMT
Thank you for sharing this. It is important to tell the true stories. Too much history has been whitewashed,
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Mar 15, 2021 13:29:28 GMT
On March 15, 1901, a white mob in Rome, Tennessee, lynched a Black woman named Ballie Crutchfield. Ms.Crutchfield was accused of no crime, and targeted simply because the mob had earlier that night failed in its attempt to lynch her brother.
A week earlier, a white man in Rome had reportedly lost a wallet containing $120. As word spread that a young Black boy had found the wallet and given it to a young Black man named William Crutchfield, white residents accused William of stealing the wallet.
During this era, the deep racial hostility that permeated Southern society burdened Black people with a presumption of guilt that often served to focus suspicion on Black communities who were accused of crimes that may or may not have been committed. Though there was no evidence supporting the claim that William Crutchfield had stolen the wallet, he was promptly arrested and taken to the local jail. That night, a white mob stormed the jail and abducted Mr. Crutchfield from police custody, but as they prepared to lynch him, he escaped.
The lynch mob searched but failed to find Mr. Crutchfield; determined to take out their vengeance on someone, they instead seized his sister, Ballie Crutchfield, from her home. Though she was not even alleged to be in any way involved with the lost wallet, the mob took Ms. Crutchfield—whose first name was also reported as “Sallie”—to a bridge a short distance from the town, tied her hands behind her back, shot her in the head, and threw her body into the creek below.
Lynching was a tool of racial terror used to maintain white supremacy and dominance by instilling fear in the entire Black community. This brutal violence was often unpredictable and arbitrary. As was the case for Ms. Crutchfield, it was extremely common during this era for a lynch mob’s focus to expand beyond a specific person accused of an offense. Lynch mobs frequently targeted members of a suspect’s family, neighbors, or any and all Black people unfortunate enough to be in the mob’s path. Countless Black people were victims of racial terror lynchings not because they were accused of any crime, but simply because they were Black and present when the lynch mob could not locate its intended victim.
Ms. Crutchfield’s body was recovered from the creek the morning after she was killed, and the coroner’s jury quickly concluded that she had met her death “at the hands of parties unknown.” No one was held accountable for her lynching.
Ms. Crutchfield is one of at least 237 Black people lynched in Tennessee between 1877 and 1950, and one of more than 6,500 victims of racial terror lynching that EJI has documented between 1865 and 1950. To learn more, explore EJI’s reports, Lynching in America and Reconstruction in America.
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Post by malibou on Mar 15, 2021 15:15:46 GMT
I'm reading. I'm learning. Please keep them coming.
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Post by cakediva on Mar 15, 2021 15:51:16 GMT
I'm reading. I'm learning. Please keep them coming. Me as well. Thank you.
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Apr 9, 2021 13:46:48 GMT
calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/State officials quickly learned how to use the convict leasing system to disproportionately exploit Black people. In an average year, 97% of Alabama’s county convicts were Black. When coal companies' labor needs increased, local police swept small-town streets, targeting Black Alabamians for quick arrest on charges of vagrancy, gambling, drunkenness, or theft. These citizens were then tried and convicted, sentenced to 60- or 90-days hard labor plus court costs, and handed over to the mines. Employers frequently held and worked convicts well beyond their scheduled release dates since local officials had no incentive to intervene and prisoners lacked the resources and power to demand enforcement. Conditions in the mines were deplorable. Imprisoned men were often chained together in ankle-deep water, working 12- to 16-hour shifts with no breaks, and surviving on fistfuls of spoiled meat and cornbread stuffed into the rags they wore for uniforms. Describing the experience, a Black former convict laborer recalled that the prisoners had slept in their chains, covered with “filth and vermin,” and the powder cans used as slop jars frequently overflowed and ran over into their beds. Prisoner safety was not a priority for the mines’ owners and operators. After the deadly explosion, local newspapers reported on the deaths as a humorous event rather than a tragedy of lost life. Coverage listed the victims' names alongside their conviction offenses: vagrancy, weapons violations, bootlegging, and gambling. One rural newspaper reported, “Several negroes from this section... were caught in the Banner mine explosion. That is a pretty tight penalty to pay for selling booze.” Recent NPR article www.npr.org/transcripts/884989263
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Olan
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Post by Olan on Apr 14, 2021 15:45:06 GMT
calendar.eji.org/racial-injustice/apr/14Shortly before midnight on April 14, 1906, two innocent Black men named Horace Duncan and Fred Coker (aka Jim Copeland) were abducted from the county jail by a white mob of several thousand participants and lynched in Springfield, Missouri. Two days following the public lynchings of Mr. Duncan and Mr. Coker, a newspaper reported that “now the great state of Missouri faces the probable disgrace of letting two innocent men be hanged by a mob.” The day before the lynching, a white woman reported that she had been assaulted by two African American men. Despite having “no evidence against them,” Mr. Duncan and Mr. Coker were “arrested on suspicion” by local police. The men were taken to the county jail to await trial, even though their employer had also provided an alibi for them to confirm that they had not been involved in the alleged assault. During this era, race—rather than guilt—made African Americans vulnerable to indiscriminate suspicion and false accusation after a reported crime, even when there was no evidence tying them to the alleged offense. White people's allegations against African Americans were rarely subject to scrutiny, and the mere accusation that a Black man had been sexually inappropriate with a white woman often aroused violent reprisal before the judicial system could or would act. In the case of Mr. Duncan and Mr. Coker, one newspaper reported the lynch mob “was bent on vengeance and in no mood to discriminate between guilt and innocence.” When the mob arrived at the county jail, local law enforcement did little to stop the mob from seizing Mr. Duncan and Mr. Coker, though the officers were armed and responsible for protecting the men in their custody. When the mob dragged Mr. Duncan and Mr. Coker outside, the gathered crowd of nearly 3,000 angry white men, women, and children began shouting, “Hang them!” and “Burn them!” At the public square, the mob hanged both men from the railing of the Gottfried Tower, then set a fire underneath and watched as both corpses were reduced to ashes in the flames. Continuing their rampage, the mob returned to the jail and proceeded to lynch another African American man—Will Allen. Local police had abandoned the prisoners, and it was only when the state militia arrived that the mob was dispersed and prevented from seizing anyone else from the jail. Two days after the lynching of these three men, the woman who reported being assaulted issued a statement that she was “positive" that [Mr. Coker and Mr. Duncan] "were not her assailants, and that she could identify her assailants if they were brought before her.” But the lynch mob's act of racial terror had made its mark, terrorizing the entire Black community. Many local Black residents had fled their jobs and homes to escape the mob attack. Following the lynchings and mob violence, a grand jury was called to indict anyone who had participated in the mob. By April 19, four white men had been arrested and 25 warrants were issued. Only one white man was tried, however, and no one was ever convicted. Horace Duncan, Fred Coker, and Will Allen were three of at least 60 African American victims of racial terror lynching in Missouri between 1877 and 1950.
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